Warriors and Queens: The Agency of Viking Women and Scandinavian Sagas

Warriors and Queens: Considering Viking Women Sagas in Medieval Scandinavia

Throughout the course, the class studied two different perspectives on women in Medieval Europe: the side that coincides with patriarchal ideals and how women are designated to conform and be subordinate to men, and the other which argues that women’s autonomy stretched beyond the prescriptive sources and their societal guidelines. On both sides, there are interesting geographical influences which determine how strict women’s autonomy was, between England’s stronger, more restrictive views, and Spain’s relaxed leniency in other areas, such as having more control over financials such as doweries, or access to courts of law. These contrasts often lead to the question: What level of autonomy did women have in other European countries? One such area that was touched on was Scandinavia, and more specifically, Viking women. Historically, the traditional oral practice of passing on Viking knowledge and lack of written text has led to a fractured understanding of Viking culture. While the gaps in our cultural knowledge have been filled through rigorous study, primary sources that have proven influential in this gathering of evidence are their Sagas. The presence of women in their sagas have led to many debates in the scholarly community which consider the topics of queens, warrior women, and women as members of Scandinavian society. There is a level of importance for each of the societal roles, and by examining how women exercised their agency in each area, scholars can connect the validity of Sagas to their historical findings.

At the very basic level of Viking society, marriage was commonplace not only for the union of families, but also for the acquisition of wealth, property, and for the continuation and strengthening of familial bloodlines. Evidence within the sagas “suggests that arranged marriage was widely practiced in Viking-Age Scandinavia and that it often involved the exchange of property as part of the betrothal and marriage process.” (Raffield, Ben. Et al). These prospects enhance the aspect that marriages aligned themselves considerably with elements of business and trade among families. In the Sagas, there are two notable examples of marriage deals where the brides agency varies widely. The first saga, “The Betrothal of Olaf Hoskuldsson”, involves the proposal of titular Olaf to a woman named Thorgerd. Her father, Egil Skallagrimsson, has a distinct authority over whether the marriage contract is legitimized since he is dealing directly with Olaf’s father, Hoskuld. Yet, Egil’s approach is notably different in the sense that he provides Thorgerd with a distinct autonomy over the proposal. He asserts that “this has to be discussed with Thorgerd, because she’s not going to fall into any man’s hands unless she wants to.” (147). This leniency towards Thorgerd having agency in her betrothal is interesting, but ultimately, status plays an important role in her reluctancy to marry Olaf. It is revealed that Olaf is the illegitimate son of an Irish slave-woman, but is also a descendant of Myrakjartan, king of Ireland. Yet, Olaf recognizes this socially subordinate dynamic when he states to Thorgerd how “you must think it’s bold of a slave-woman’s son to dare sit beside you.” (148). Olaf’s self-deprecating view of himself in comparison to Thorgerd further expresses the social power that Thorgerd has over Olaf. As well, the importance of this marriage is influential towards if Olaf will be able to inherit his “foster-father’s farm at Goddastead.” (146), which gives Thorgerd more authority over Olaf’s ability to consolidate property. The result of this deal will not only benefits Olaf towards owing property but will also allow Thorgerd to have a portion of control over the assets and the potential benifits of Olaf’s royal lineage.

The second saga, “How Unn Mordsdaughter Found Herself Betrothed”, is very different in comparison to Olaf and Thorgerd’s story. In the story, Mord is the negotiating party on behalf of his daughter, Unn, and her marriage to Hrut. The story takes place in a law court and applies a distinct formal tone to the proceedings as they discuss Hrut’s status, the price they are willing to pay for Unn, and the benefits that both parties will ultimately receive. The most influential aspect of the story is that Unn is not consulted on whether she chooses to marry Hrut, but is instead legitimized by stating that “afterwards, they stood up and shook hands and Mord betrothed his daughter Unn to Hrut. The wedding feast was to be held at Mord’s house two weeks after midsummer.” (149). The purpose of this union for Hrut according to Hoskuld, the initiator of the proposal, is to “improve your way of life and look for a woman to marry.” (148). Yet, this statement is exclusive to Hrut, and the benefit that Unn would have in this union is excluded alongside her perspective and opinion on this matrimony.

Although this statement is synonymous with both Hrut and Olaf, there are notable differences between the two proposals as well. In Scandinavian society, it was common that “a woman may have been seen by male family members as a potential valuable pawn in inter-family politics, to be bartered with or without her permission. (Raffield, et al). This dynamic is a seen in both sagas, where Thorgerd and Unn’s father act as the negotiator on their behalf, but the diverging factor is the idea of permission. This creates a variable level of agency for the daughters within the marriage contract, since the father’s decision to allow their daughters to have an opinion is based on factors such as social status of the husband vs. the wife, or the assets being brought to the bargaining table. The results varied wildly because marriage was heavily polarized in the realm of business rather than the social happiness of both parties. The ideal result was “to consolidate systems of male dominance while ensuring mutually beneficial marriage contracts between family units.” (Raffield, et al). So, the conclusion of whether to ask permission and consider agency leaned towards how committed to the business prospect the negotiators were, as well as how beneficial the result would be for both parties. In the cases of the sagas and their dealings, Olaf’s slave heritage would have resulted in minimal assets, but Egil’s interests were noted in his mother’s heritage in the Irish monarchy. Egil consulted his daughter, allowing her to choose whether to marry Olaf, but the benefits were evident for him. Unn’s marriage was notably mutual, which resulted in a lack of consultation from Unn, and a quick end to the negotiations.

The variable nature of marriage in Scandinavian society is a gray area for the agency of women. Largely controlled by a male-dominated business society, the question remains: what agency could women achieve outside of the domestic sphere? The sagas consider warfare as a viable alternative for women. The nature of Viking warrior-women is a topic that has been highly debated among historians, as they continuously search for evidence outside of sagas to support women’s roles in a traditionally masculine field. In medieval Europe, warfare was “generally viewed as the quintessential masculine activity, through which “manhood” was demonstrated… warfare was considered almost by definition ‘effeminate’ and became subject to ridicule” (Mclaughlin, Megan 194). So, with such a strong denouncing of warrior women, what evidence can be considered to prove otherwise?

The sagas provide a notably number of stories where women partake in behavior and actions that would be traditionally considered masculine, such as bravery, vengeance, duty, and determination, which would have been seen significantly in male-centric sagas. The aspect of a woman interweaving herself in warfare was not without it’s compromises, as Mclaughlin states, “a woman who undertook the role of warrior would be forced, in the words of Saxo Grammaticus, to “unsex” herself, to abandon her true womanly nature and act with “virile ruthlessness” (Mclaughlin 195). Regarding the sagas, there are stories where this nature of uncompromising ruthlessness is prevalent. In the saga, “The Goading of Hildigunn”, the titular woman attempts to shame a kinsman, Flosi Thordarson, into taking revenge on her husband’s murderers. Flosi’s response to Hildigunn’s tactics is to brand her as “a real monster… You want us to do things that will turn out very badly for all of us. The counsels of women are cold.” (145). The question following this passage becomes: would Flosi have had the same reaction if a man had designated him to seek revenge? Is his defiance based on his disposition of women counsels being as cold as he says they are? Regardless, although Hildigunn may not be actively seeking revenge herself for her husband, she does apply a tactical approach to her military goals, even if it means shaming Flosi into carrying out the deed in her place. The result is an indirect strategy to warfare, but one that actively involves herself commanding and dispatching her kinsmen.

Yet, what about the direct approaches to warfare? How did women exercise their agency directly in this masculine field? Scholars have debated the existence of warrior women in Scandinavian society, but between the sagas and the archeological evidence, signs point to a large degree of validity to the stories. In defence of the sagas, Mclaughlin cites the historical figure of Rusila. Rusila was a legendary, Norwegian shield-maiden who organized an uprising in Denmark, was exiled as a result, and scoured the seas as a marauding pirate. Her story is found in “Book eight of Gesta Danorum… a comprehensive and precious ancient manuscript that deals with the history of medieval Denmark.” (Lloyd, Ellen). She has been “identified by some historians with Inghen the Red – mentioned independently in Irish sources as one of the leaders of the Vikings in Ireland in the same period.” (Mclaughlin 197). The combination of Scandinavian and Irish sources to support the existence of Rusila is tangible alongside the nature of Scandinavian graves such as the highly notable, Birka grave.

The Birka Grave, which was originally excavated in 1878, is a Viking grave discovered near the settlement of Birka on the island of Bjorko near Lake Malaren, Uppland. The grave was previously suspected to have belonged to a high-status male warrior based on the artifacts found within. It wasn’t until DNA testing centuries later that it was discovered that the bones belonged to a female warrior. This discovery was ground-breaking in terms of the study of women and their status within this culture. The weapons were considerably important in determining the rank of this woman: the quality of the weapons determined that she was of high social standing, the variety of weapons determined that she was highly skilled and capable of a variety of fighting techniques, and the presence of “a full gaming set and board… their deliberate placement in direct proximity to the body, suggests a potential command role.” (Price, Neil. Et al.). Coinciding with the DNA evidence, it is remarkable that the Viking warrior was not only a warrior woman, but that she was skilled at her craft, was potentially a formidable leader, and received extensive burial rights and respect after her passing.

The evidence found within the grave is interesting and highly influential towards determining the autonomy of Viking woman during this period, but it has not gone without its share of speculation. One example of a critical theory that debates this discovery comes from Fedir Androshchuk, where he considers that the grave might have been disturbed before its excavation, and that the drawings associated with its layout are inaccurate to other accounts. Due to the grave’s supposed disturbance, Androshchuk infers that the “female finds in the Birka grave may have been associated with the DNA-identified woman, and if this is the case the other objects including weaponry should be assigned to a very fragmentarily preserved male individual” (Androshchuk, Fedir 58). Although this perspective might appear to be dismissive of the Birka discovery, statements like these are important for thorough, critical analysis. They provide the basis for further research while also opening the conversation to other scientific fields to answer the questions posed by individuals such as Androshchuk. Despite this, the DNA evidence is a piece of information that must be considered, so how might the Birka warrior be considered socially? She may have “taken on a man’s social role, while retaining a feminine identity… their sense of self may have been – in our terms – non-binary or gender-fluid.” (Price, Neil. Et al.). Evidence in medieval Europe suggests that gender-fluid individuals did exist, and that despite the criminality they may have been subjected to, they were able to live a unique lifestyle among other citizens. A non-binary distinction would have also forgone the expectations for the warrior as a domestic wife and allowed herself to commit to a militaristic lifestyle amongst the men. As well, to couple this aspect with women situationally having agency in marriages, despite being organized and initiated by men, a warrior lifestyle may have been possible based on the circumstances surrounding her.

Between a woman’s marriage to a husband and a warrior receiving special honors after death, the levels of agency between the two have varied. Despite their prestigious status in society, queens have also experienced a degree of agency and resistance alongside men. Throughout history, kings have been synonymous with power and authority over their ruling kingdoms. Their connections to God and their divine rights to rule creates a very distinct relationship between their subjects and themselves. Yet, many kings did not rule alone, so the question becomes: What is the extent of a queen’s agency parallel to a king? The question of identity also comes into consideration, because to have an identity, nurture it, and be considered an individual is an important level of agency for women in this period. There are a few notable examples of Scandinavian monarchs who have expressed a unique identity for themselves, as well as exercising their agencies as a result. In the saga, “Queen Gunnhild has her way with Hrut”, Gunnhild is expressed as a charismatic queen that can influence her son, Harald Greycloak. The titular Hrut comes to the king and queen and asks, “permission to join your retinue and become one of your followers.” (131). Notably, the king remains silent as the queen expresses her opinion, stating how “I think that this man is offering you a great honor… In my opinion, if there were many men like him in your retinue, it would be well manned.” (131). The king hears this and requests that Hrut return in two weeks. This insightful opinion from Gunnhild is important because it expresses an active level of power in contrast to passive power. The queen’s guidance is treated as an influential voice in the decision-making of the king, that the monarchy is a cooperative level of governance, and that the queen is not a subordinate figurehead to her people.

Other examples of queens who have influence over their people include Queen Audr. In her saga, her husband, Porsteinn, is killed, and their court is taken over by the murders. As a result, she is “left with no male to lead her large family… she escapes to Orkney, marries off several grandchildren and then relocates the whole family to Iceland.” (Lewis-Simpson, Shannon 10). In the face of tragedy, her ability to salvage her family and ensure their prosperity is remarkable against surmountable odds. Her saga, The Laxdoela saga, states how “one may observe from this that she greatly surpassed other women” (Lewis-Simpson 10). Ultimately, between the bravery of Audr and the influence of Gunnhild, the title of a queen does not result in an inherently passive position, but that there are ways to create an identity and navigate the patriarchal systems of the world for survival and prosperity.

Overall, there is evidence to support that strong, autonomous women existed outside the pages of the sagas. The most important distinction to be made is that agency could be found at all levels of the social spectrum. The common woman’s ability to consider who she wants to marry within their father’s business contracts, a warrior woman’s ability to fight, excel, and be buried with honors, and a queen’s active role in governance and protection of her family and kingdom. These pieces of evidence create a dynamic link between fact and fiction, while also creating a fundamental understanding of women, their lives in medieval Scandinavia, and furthering the understanding of women’s autonomy across the medieval world.

Work Cited

Somerville, Angus A. McDonald, Andrew R. The Viking Age: A Reader. Chapter 5: Women in the Viking Age. Readings in Medieval Civilizations and Cultures, Volume 14. University of Toronto Press. Published in 2010. One Yonge Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

McLaughlin, Megan. “The Woman Warrior: Gender, Warfare and Society in Medieval Europe.” Women’s Studies, vol. 17, no. 3/4, Jan. 1990, pp. 193–209. EBSCOhost, https://doiorg.prxy.lib.unbc.ca/10.1080/00497878.1990.9978805.

Raffield, Ben. Price, Neil. Collard, Mark. Viking and Medieval Scandinavia. “Polygyny, Concubinage, and The Social Lives of Women in Viking-Age Scandinavia.” Brepolis Publishers. Published January 2017. Vol. 13. Pp. 165-209. https://www.brepolsonline.net/doi/epdf/10.1484/J.VMS.5.114355

Price, Neil, et al. Antiquity. “Viking Warrior Women? Reassessing Birka Chamber Grave Bj.581.” Antiquity, vol. 93, no. 367, 2019, pp. 181–198., doi:10.15184/aqy.2018.258. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/antiquity/article/viking-warrior-women-reassessing-birka-chamber-grave-bj581/7CC691F69FAE51DDE905D27E049FADCD

Androshchuk, Fedir. “Female Viking Revisited”. Pp. 47-60. Viking and Medieval Scandinavia. Published 2018. Pp. 47-60.

Lewis-Simpson, Shannon. The Viking Age: Ireland and the West. “Viking-Age Queens and the Formation of Identity”. Four Courts Press. Published 2010. Pp. 217-226. https://www.academia.edu/5306598/Viking-Age_Queens_and_the_Formation_of_Identity

Lloyd, Ellen. “Female Viking Pirate Rusla – The Maiden’s Deadly Encounter with Her Brother Tesondus”, Ancient Pages.com. Published July 2, 2019. Updated July 31, 2021. https://www.ancientpages.com/2019/07/02/female-viking-pirate-rusla-the-red-maidens-deadly-encounter-with-her-brother-tesondus/